paper read
in the Conference "20th Century Europe: inclusion/exclusions", session
on ‘European Values in Transition’ of the European Sociological Association,
University of Essex, 27-30 August, 1997.
Various changes in European societies have contributed to the revival of citizenship in Euro-Mediterranean Malta. A study of Maltese values has observed that an increasingly open, interdependent, global, information and consumerist society, and the corresponding shift in values have influenced the development of social policy in Malta (Abela 1994: 253ff). As Malta moves in the globalisation process and pursues its Euro-Mediterranean policies, the Values Studies make possible an assessment of the development of citizenship in Maltese society relative to other European countries.
Social Policy in Malta
In the beginning of the nineties, Government social policy aimed to strengthen social justice in ways other than purely financial. The 'welfare state' was to give way to the 'welfare society'. Government and non-government welfare agencies were given the task to develop personalised social services, to empower persons and families to participate in the provision of care at the individual, family and community levels. In addition to the provision of curative services to the most vulnerable members of society, social policy worked towards the prevention of social ills through the development of solidarity between citizens, the decentralisation of authority and the application of the principle of subsidiarity such that intervention in the provision of services would take place at the lowest level possible. Research in comparative social policy identified new types of poverty and social exclusion, which in Euro-Mediterranean Malta is not unrelated to an intolerance of people with social problems (Abela 1996).
With these objectives, in a changing social context, the Social Welfare Development Programme and Sedqa were established as quasi non-government organisations. They have since set up new welfare units for specialised welfare services dealing, amongst other, with Child Protection, Domestic Violence, Community Work in depressed areas, Generic Social Work, Drug Rehabilitation Programmes and Parental Skills. Subsidiary help was given to voluntary organisations to meet emerging new needs and the unforeseen social problems of a rapidly developing country. A multiplicity of self-help groups, State, Church and other non-government voluntary organisations have since developed services for the emerging new poverty in the areas of substance abuse, domestic violence, mental health, the elderly, unmarried teenage mothers, marital breakdown and other problems of families at risk. More recently, the Government has set as its objective the upkeep of a sustainable development through wide-ranging consultations and enterprising joint ventures between the government, non-government organisations, individual citizens, producers and consumers.
Theory
Sociological perspectives on the development of citizenship give importance to the new work ethic in its relation to people's belonging in the public community, cultural participation, age, race and gender neutrality, global, European and ecological dimensions (Adriaansens, van Gunsteren, Wilson, Vogel, Turner, Habermas and Falk in van Steenbergen ed. 1994).
Dahrendorf, Oldfield, Barber and van Gunsteren (1994: 48) posit individualised citizenship as the product of the activities of citizens within a public community. Whereas in the traditional republic the state maintained control over admission to citizenship, the welfare state came to assist individuals to obtain the qualities required for admission by removing obstacles and lowering the demands. In the process, however, an increasing number of citizens began to misuse and outmanoeuvre the system. In the new context of our times, where citizenship has become problematic, the task of the neo-republic is held to be both the organisation of pluralism and the enforcement of norms in the public domain. In the ensuing pluralistic community citizens are seen to be autonomous, loyal and capable of sound judgement. They have to fulfil the double role of governors and governed. The family, church, school and other voluntary organisations can offer indispensable contributions, but the government has to assume a leading role (van Gunsteren 1994: 47-8).
New approaches to social policy in the emerging consumerist and information society (Cahill 1994) move beyond an exclusive concern with the collective and are concerned with individual rights and relationships. Citizenship is seen to promote individuality through opportunities for decision-making within the immediate social context and the public arena of paid employment but also within the private sphere of family and personal life. Individual values and self-identities are released from the constraints of traditional society, making possible greater flexibility and diversity but also an increased uncertainty, insecurity and risk (Close 1995: 138, 176).
The values of individualisation have come to replace the work ethic of the welfare state. Industrial society had as its foundation a religiously inspired work ethic and a family philosophy where the male breadwinner was held responsible for the economic independence of the household and the female partner responsible for the well-being of the family. In post-industrial society, where economic independence has become possible for all individuals irrespective of their place within the family, there is a need for a new link between work and welfare that takes into account changes in the economy, gender relations and the family. New conceptions of citizenship in the welfare society require a reappraisal of thinking and doing about work and welfare (Adriaansens 1994: 67).
The traditional Maltese work ethic of survival, security, honour, hardwork, moral duty, solidarity and paternalistic compliance is gradually giving way to financial reward, regular and additional income, the diversity of values among workers, better conditions, social status, trade unionism, participative and corporatist industrial relations. Shifts in the work ethic are often explained by reference to events taking place in more industrialised countries and which find their way into Malta. It is often presumed that the smallness of the island makes for the rapid assimilation and the imposition of a uniformity of tastes, living standards and social aspirations. Work orientations often encapsulate a synthesis made by individuals between the traditional cultural influences on work, their assessment of it, and their normative aspirations (Zammit 1994: 484, 502-3).
Studies concerned with the values of citizenship assume that welfare structures reflect the caring feelings of citizens and government's willingness and ability to translate them into effective public policies (Wiseman 1991). Values Studies have reported on the basic caring attitudes of European citizens while acknowledging that the relation between values and social policies is much more complex than a simple translation from the one into the other (Ashford & Timms 1992: 21). The connection between citizenship, work and welfare would require an analysis of change in values. This paper examines change in the social values of the Maltese relative to what has been reported for other western European societies.
Methods
Values Studies
The Maltese Values survey, conducted for the first time in 1984 amongst a nationally representative sample of 467 respondents in Malta and Gozo, was repeated in June 1991 and in March 1995 amongst similar samples. Interviews of approximately one hour each were carried out in the home of respondents by specially trained interviewers. The European Values Study first conducted in 1981 in ten western European countries was repeated in 1990. In both surveys, a total of around 15,500 randomly selected interviews was achieved. Analysis of the Maltese data sets and comparisons with the reported frequencies from the European Values surveys make possible an understanding of change in the social values of the Maltese.
Elsewhere I have reported on change
in the values of the family, community, religion, morality, crime and young
people in Malta (Abela 1993-1995). Here I shall analyse the values of citizenship.
Results shall be discussed for an appraisal of the development of citizenship
in Malta relative to Western Europe. Has there been any significant change
in the work ethic that would support current theory on equal opportunities
to work, welfare and voluntary work irrespective of gender, class, race
or national belonging? To what extent are citizens involved in voluntary
work? What are their perceptions on poverty and care, trust in social institutions,
demands for state intervention in the public community? What is their support
for new social movements?
Discussion of Results
Centrality of work
The greatest majority of Maltese respondents hold work to be very important in their lives, second only to the family but more important than religion, leisure, friends or politics. Over the past decade there has been a slight decrease in the importance given to work and a significant appreciation of leisure and friends. In comparison to the European average (53%), however, Maltese respondents (75%) stand out in their high appreciation of work. [Table 1]
Change in work values
Changes in the economy are expected to be accompanied by a change in work occupations and the work ethic. The intensive technological changes initiated by the widespread diffusion of microelectronics requires a change in people's attitudes to work. In the post-industrial and information society, work will become more flexible, more abstract and more demanding. Workers need to develop new skills of commitment, motivation and teamwork. A shift from instrumental to communicative values is to be expected (Ceredi and Colasanto 1992). For a mismatch between values and economic demands may have serious consequences on productivity and the quality of work.
The analysis of data from the three Values Studies provide an opportunity to test the goodness of fit of changing work values. Here we examine the extent of change that has occurred towards new work patterns in Malta. To what extend have work values changed in the direction of the required qualifications, where expressive values take priority over material concerns, and communicative skills displace instrumental values?
In the intervening years between the surveys people in Malta have retained relatively high attachment to material concerns of the job such as good pay, even if they give lesser importance to favourable conditions like good hours, not too much pressure, good job security and generous holidays. In the mid-nineties Maltese respondents score lower on qualities favouring personal and social development such as a job that meets one's abilities, pleasant people to work with, an interesting job, a job respected by people in general, a job that is useful for society, good chances for promotion, an opportunity to use initiative, a feeling that you can achieve something or meeting people. In this way the analysis of job characteristics in Malta does not give clear and unambiguous signs of any significant shift from an instrumental to a communicative work ethic. [Table 2]
Motives for work
In order to understand people's motives for work and the corresponding work ethic, respondents were asked to indicate one out of five items which comes closest to their opinion. These ranged from work seen as extremely desirable to extremely undesirable. At the positive pole, work is seen as an opportunity for self-development and social participation. Such an intrinsic and expressive orientation gives work the quality of a terminal value, a desirable activity in itself. In this respect, dedication to work carries an implicit ethical demand for the qualities of industry, perseverance, diligence, initiative and devotion to one's calling. It is the classic work ethic, a vocation to be pursued. At the negative pole, there stands an ethic of leisure where work is valued for its instrumental quality. Here, work is not seen to be a value for itself. It is a necessity to attain the desired standard of living, indispensable for sustenance but punitive and undesirable. Pleasure is to be found in other domains.
In between these two extremes stand two other positions. The first implies a moral duty, where rewards derive from one's feeling useful to society, a sense of personal happiness, self-discipline and self-development. This type of work ethic combines a societal and individualistic orientation, containing both classic and modern elements. The second refers to an instrumental orientation, requiring a balance between efforts and rewards. Here rewards tend to be calculated, immediate, specific and self-serving. This work ethic constitutes the modern calculating and individualistic value orientation (Ester, Halman and de Moor 1993: 134).
Mixed motivations for work are very much pronounced in Malta. On the one hand, a few think of work as the most important thing in life or that they will always do the best they can regardless of pay. On the other hand, a few others think of work as necessary to earn a living. More respondents in Malta than in Europe generally think of work as a business transaction where their input depends on the salary they receive. In the intervening years between the surveys, however, most respondents in Malta much higher than in Europe generally, have come to hold a middle ground position. They enjoy work but they do not let it interfere with the rest of their life. [Table 3]
Overall, it seems that the Maltese hold less extreme views on work than Europeans in general. Rather than subscribing to dominant value patterns of work, the average worker in Malta tends to reconcile contrasting positions. In some respects Maltese respondents enjoy work, but in another they tend to be pragmatic, calculating costs and rewards. The high level of uncertainty about work motivations in the early nineties has been replaced by a pragmatism that differentiates between work and private life. In this respect the work ethic of the Maltese has come closer to that of their Europeans counterparts.
The Values study went on to explore people's perceptions concerning higher rewards for greater productivity, commitment to free enterprise, worker's participation in management and profits and equal work opportunities.
In a question exploring the justification of higher salaries for greater productivity, respondents were to imagine two secretaries, of the same age, doing practically the same job where one finds out that the other earns more than herself. Respondents were told that the better paid secretary is quicker, more efficient and more reliable at her job. Respondents were asked whether they think that it is fair that the more productive secretary is paid more than the other. In the intervening years between the surveys, respondents fluctuated between those who justify higher wages for greater productivity and those who do not. In 1991 only 20%, compared to 35% in 1984 and 38% in 1995, were of the opinion that workers should be paid an equal salary, irrespective of their output. Such a stance, during a Nationalist Government, supported the liberalisation of earnings, where for some time the values of free enterprise, productivity and efficiency took priority over job security, equality and solidarity between workers of the same rank. [Table 4]
Workers’ participation
People have different ideas about following instructions at work. The percentage of respondents who hold that one should only follow superiors' instructions when one is convinced that they are right has increased by ten percent. Respondents who agree with the statement that people should, in principle, follow superiors’ instructions on the job, even when they do not fully agree with them has continued to go down to lower levels than the European average. At the same time, there has been an increase in the number of respondents who hold that whether to embrace an ethic of conviction or of compliance in the workplace would depend on the circumstances. Such a movement suggests that over the years there has been a development an alternative work ethic, possibly one favouring participative enterprise. [Table 5]
In fact, there has been an increase in the number of respondents opting for participative management in the workplace. In 1991, almost half of the respondents in Malta were of the opinion that owners and employees should participate in the selection of managers. Over the years quite a few respondents have retained their opinion that "owners should run their business or appoint the managers". Very few hold that the State should be owner and appoint managers or that employees should be owners and elect managers. Instead, the measure of uncertainty about the best model for industrial management observable in the early nineties, has since been displaced by a middle ground position favouring management by owners and profit sharing by all workers. It seems that respondents are willing to trade-off workers’ participation in management for a greater share in profits. The general trend, however, is towards decentralised authority, lesser government intervention, greater workers' participation in management but also a concern for a share in economic returns. [Table 6]
Equal work opportunities
A major test of citizenship stands in the extent to which a society entitles people to equal work opportunities irrespective of their gender, race, age, nationality, physical or mental ability. The Values Study in the nineties asked respondents to give their opinion on differential access to work in an limiting situation of job availability.
In a situation of job scarcity, the majority of respondents in Malta, almost twice as high as the average in Western Europe, are of the opinion that men have more right to a job than women and that employers should give priority to local citizens over immigrants, to Maltese citizens over foreigners married to Maltese, to Maltese residents over returned Maltese emigrants and that people should be forced to retire early. Similar to other Europeans, however, only a minority of Maltese respondents think that it is unfair to give work to the disabled when able bodied people can't find jobs. Over a period of four years (1991-95) the only minor improvement is observed for respondents’ readiness to give equal work opportunities to women. Thus although Maltese society generally does not discriminate in work opportunities against the disabled, there does not seem to be a widespread attitude favouring equal access to work for women, people of other nationalities or returned Maltese emigrants. Nor do people in Malta favour the prolongation of work opportunities for those who have reached retirement age. [Table 7]
Of course, there are age, gender, and social class differences on equal work opportunities. With regards to gender discrimination, for example, it is more likely for the older generation, the lower social classes, men and women without a job outside the home than the younger generation, the upper social classes, single and separated people or women in full-time employment to hold that when jobs are scarce men have more right to a job than a woman. Generally, it is the higher educated, the younger generation, single and most significantly separated people and women working full-time who unequivocal disagree with gender discrimination in the workplace.
Although women, foreigners married to Maltese and other minority groups have achieved civil and legal citizenship, people in Malta do not seem to favour the extension of social equality to work opportunities. In a situation where there are limits to the extension of citizenship rights in the public domain, it is to be expected that forward-looking citizens would commit themselves to voluntary work to promote solidarity and care towards the excluded members of the community.
Voluntary Work
Over the past few years there has been a considerable expansion of the voluntary sector all over Europe. The re-appraisal of voluntary service is believed to coincide at once with an observed crisis of the welfare state but also with the latter's ability to take new initiatives in the provision of qualitative social services. Over the past few years voluntary work has become more visible and has gained in cultural and institutional support. In a post-industrial service-oriented society, voluntary work is taking a non-residual, central and permanent quality (Kramer 1987). The specific value of the new voluntary activity stands in its capacity to activate human resources in response to the emerging post-materialist needs.
Here we explore the values that contribute towards the building of a caring community in Malta. First, we examine the participation and commitment of the Maltese in voluntary organisations. Second, we examine their care towards others, people with social problems in particular. Finally we examine what respondents find to be convincing reasons to explain why people are in need, and their beliefs about self-dependence and competitiveness compared to communal provision and co-operation.
Almost half of respondents in the European survey are members of at least one voluntary organisation and more than a quarter do unpaid voluntary work. Over the past decade, voluntary work has generally improved all over Europe. In Italy and Great Britain, for example, membership has increased by ten percent. Voluntary work has increased by eleven percent in Italy, five percent in Ireland and two percent in Britain. In Malta there has been a slight increase in membership but unpaid voluntary work has remained stable. [Table 8]
Membership in voluntary organisations
Membership in voluntary organisations in Malta is highest in religious and Church organisations, Trade Unions, political parties or groups and education, arts, music or cultural activities. Membership in political parties or groups is considerably higher in Malta than in Europe generally. Sports or recreational activities are also popular in Malta, though by far lower than in Europe generally. Similar to the average in Europe very few Maltese spend their free-time in local community action groups concerned with issues of poverty, employment, housing or racial equality. Relative to other Europeans very few Maltese spend their free-time in social welfare services for the elderly, handicapped or deprived people, Third World development or human rights, the advancement of women or the protection of animals or the environment. [Table 9]
The lower participation in youth work, such as scouts, guides or youth clubs recorded in the nineties, is possibly explained by the fact that young people in Malta are turning away from traditional youth clubs and are spending most of their free-time in sport activities or in informal groups with their peers in discotheques or in other forms of commercial entertainment.
Types of voluntary organisations
A factor analysis for unpaid voluntary work in Malta differentiates between the conventional and newly-formed organisations. Here the conventional correspond to what David Gerald (1985) calls "the old style" youth, Welfare and Church groups, which, in Europe, make up five-sixths of all voluntary workers. Thus, on the one hand stand the established voluntary activities concerned with Third-world development and human rights, peace movements, youth work, women's groups, social welfare, religious and church organisations, and on the other hand stand a number of new movements concerned with the environment, animal rights, sport, leisure and politics. Unpaid voluntary work in Malta has remained strong in Church or religious organisations. It has seen a slight increase in the organisation of cultural activities, political groups and social welfare but has dropped in professional associations and youth work.
The results from the Maltese Values Surveys supports current evidence in Western Europe that participation in unpaid voluntary work remains a minority activity and correlated both with important socio-demographic indicators and with family composition (Gerald 1985: 202). In Malta, just as in Western Europe generally, volunteers are very likely to be middle-aged, non-manual workers, from the upper-income socio-economic groups and with a higher than average level of education. Generally, men are more represented in voluntary work than women, though women in full-time or part-time employment are equally active. Whereas men are mostly active in political, sport, cultural and professional groups, women are in the main committed to Church or religious groups, youth work, social welfare and voluntary work in local community.
Political involvement of volunteers
The Values study examined the difference in the dispositions, judgements and beliefs of those who do voluntary work and those who do not. Similar to Europeans generally, volunteers in Malta do not espouse a clearly demarcated programme for social change. Like the average citizen in Europe, they are of the opinion that society must be gradually improved by reforms, rather than radically changed by revolutionary action. Still, just as their European counterparts, Maltese voluntary workers are positively oriented towards the political process, engaging more frequently in the political discussion with friends, report a higher interest in politics, are keen on convincing others to share their opinions and judge politics to be more important in their lives. They are more likely than those doing no voluntary work to have engaged in political protest, such as signing a petition, joining a boycott, taking part in lawful demonstrations or joining unofficial strikes. Except for a more trusting attitude towards the legal system and the European Community their confidence in social institutions is not significantly different from that of the majority. [Table 10]
Unlike their European counterparts, Maltese volunteers do not show a more trusting disposition towards others than the average Maltese. They are equally tolerant or intolerant of foreigners and people with problems. They do not reach markedly different judgements about the reasons why people are in need, and like the European average they are more likely to show an equitable disposition to different groups in a situation of job shortage.
There is virtually no difference whether a person was brought up religiously at home or not. Unlike in Europe generally, Maltese volunteers do not necessarily attend Church more often, give more importance to God in their life, or pray more often than non-volunteers. Generally, however, although non-volunteers are equally satisfied with the activity of the Church on spiritual matters, family-life, personal morality and the needs of the individual, volunteers show less satisfaction with the social teaching of the Church possibly because they expect the hierarchy to take a more radical stand on issues of social justice.
Care for the needy
The cognitive component of caring was explored through a series of questions dealing with people’s views on why others are in need, carers’ image of themselves, the services they offer in informal ordinary life settings, their expectations and accomplishments.
Respondents were asked to identify the first and second reasons for what in their opinion make people live in need, whether because of social injustice, progress, bad luck or laziness. On the one hand, if people are found to be in need because of social injustice, the situation could in principle be remedied by a programme of social welfare. On the other hand, if their condition is seen to be the product of the inevitable march of progress, not much could possibly be achieved. With regards to the unlucky in the lottery of life chances caring might take the form of social compensation. Respondents, however, might not see any value in caring for the lazy or those lacking in will power.
In Malta the majority of respondents think that people are in need primarily because of laziness or lack of will power, and only secondarily because of injustice in society. Less importance is given to bad luck or the inevitable march of progress. On the contrary, respondents in Western Europe generally give most weight to reasons which call for social remedy, social injustice and bad luck, in particular. [Table 11]
A factor analysis extracted two principal components for perceptions on poverty in Malta. The first factor runs from social injustice to bad luck, from overpowering social forces to unfavourable personal experience in given circumstances. Here, the resultant poverty of people in need is not seen to be of their own making, thus deserving care. The second factor ranges from the inevitability of progress to laziness and lack of will power, from defeating external circumstances to personal choice. In the latter case, the needy are seen to be responsible for their situation and as such do not deserve to receive care. As judgements about why people are in need can be very complex, ambivalent and sometimes even contradictory (Ashford and Timms 1992: 30), any inference from the results have to be interpreted with great caution.
In Malta, just as in Europe generally, the combination of reasons for why people are in need and the corresponding judgement about care, is not influenced by gender, religiosity or church attendance. The most marked differences are to be found along the political dimension, level of education and social class. Thus, those who place themselves on the right of the political scale are more likely to think of the needy as lazy and lacking in will power than the politically left. They also view poverty as an inevitable part of modern progress.
In contrast to the upper social classes, people from the lower classes think that the poor are unlucky. Again, the upper social classes are more likely to judge the poor as lazy and lacking in will power than the lower social class. Those who give priority to equality over freedom think of the poor as unlucky and suffering from social injustice. On the contrary, those who favour freedom over equality are more likely to think of the poor as lazy and lacking in will power. The higher educated hold ambivalent positions. On the one hand, they are more likely to think that people are in need because of social injustice but on the other hand they judge the poor as lazy and lacking in will power. The lower educated, however, and just as the lower social classes, are more likely to think of the needy as unlucky. This puts them closer and in greater solidarity with the poor. [Table 12]
Respondents' care for others is shown in their everyday life. In their majority and to a greater extent than the average European, Maltese respondents often find themselves giving advice to others. Quite a few, though not so much as Europeans generally, like to assume responsibility and aim to succeed in everything that they do. They have less self-confidence than the average European, though they equally aim to convince others of their opinions. A higher percentage in Malta than in Europe generally see themselves as models for others. In comparison to other Europeans, however, they are less good at getting what they want and have fewer things that attract the envy of others. [Table 13]
Compared to the average European it seems that the Maltese are more inclined to engage in a series of inter-personal caring services such as giving advice, to exercise persuasion or to give a good example to others. However, they assume less responsibility, are less self-confident and are not very successful in getting what they want. In Malta, the high-flung caring dispositions manifest in interpersonal communication skills do not seem to render great results. What is achieved is often seen to fall short of the effort that is put into it.
One way to assess people's perception of fulfilment is to enquire about their feelings. The Values study asked respondents about their recent experience of negative and positive feelings. In the early nineties Maltese respondents reported lower levels of emotional involvement than in Europe, generally. Thus, considerably fewer respondents in Malta felt restless, lonely, bored, depressed or upset for having been criticised. Fewer still felt particularly excited or interested in something, pleased about having accomplished something, proud for receiving a compliment for their achievement, on top of the world or that things were going their way. Possibly the diffuse informal caring networks in Malta reduce to a minimum any negative feelings. At the same time, however, relative to the European average, the combined effort of social care does not seem to give people any particularly strong sense of personal accomplishment. [Table 14]
Welfare and Enterprise Culture
The Values Study asked respondents their views about incentives for individual effort, the value of hardwork and competition, the rights of the unemployed, state provision of welfare, ownership by individuals and the State. Although from the early nineties to the mid-nineties there has been a move towards more middle-ground positions, the greatest majority of respondents in Malta, almost twice as high as the European average, are in favour of greater individual effort instead of an equality of income. They are more likely to favour private ownership of business and industry, competition as a stimulus to hardwork, new ideas and success in life. Maltese respondents are more of the opinion that wealth can grow so there is enough for everyone. Only the few hold that the accumulation of wealth is only possible at the expense of others. [Table 15]
Maltese respondents are divided in their views on social welfare even if are more likely to take extreme positions than Europeans in general. Thus more respondents in Malta than in Europe generally, either think that individuals should provide for themselves, or inversely that the State should provide for the needs of all its citizens. Maltese respondents are also more inclined than the average European to protect the rights of the unemployed in refusing an undesirable job without incurring a loss of social benefits.
Trust in social institutions
Just as primary care is provided in informal family or community settings, services of social welfare are delivered through the agency of social institutions. In order to establish citizens’ reliance on society respondents were asked to express the level of trust they have in a number of social institutions concerned with the administration of a variety of services. For a number of institutions respondents were to indicate whether their confidence is a great deal, quite a lot, not very much or none at all.
The Maltese put their greatest trust in the Church closely followed by health services. Less confidence is shown in education, social security, the police, parliament, the law courts, the civil service, political parties, broadcasting, trade unions and least of all the press. Although in the nineties there is a noticeable a shift towards greater individualisation and less reliance on impersonal social structures, Maltese citizens still trust those institutions that are directly concerned with the provision of social welfare but show considerably less confidence in those institutions that wield political power. [Table 16]
Support for social movements
Social movements stand on middle ground between the individual, the family and social institutions. The Values Study asked respondents whether they approve or disapprove a number of groups or movements that are looking for public support in the nineties.
Factor analysis distinguishes between
two types of movements. The first is concerned with a sustainable global
future such as the promotion of disarmament, anti-nuclear energy and the
protection of the environment. The second type of movements have to do
with the protection of the dignity of human life, such as anti-apartheid,
women's groups and human rights. Similar to Europeans generally, but to
higher extent, the Maltese strongly approve movements that promote human
rights, disarmament, anti-nuclear energy, ecology and the protection of
nature, anti-apartheid and women's rights.
Conclusions
The general trend in Malta is towards free enterprise, decentralisation, lesser government intervention and greater participation in management and in the economic returns from work. Results from the Values Studies do not give any clear evidence that over the past decade there has been any significant shift from an instrumental to a communicative work ethic, nor any noticeable increase in support, relative to the situation in Western Europe, for equal work opportunities for women, people of other nationalities or returned Maltese emigrants.
Over the past decade, but to a lesser extent than in other western European countries, in Malta there has been a slight increase of membership in voluntary organisations but unpaid voluntary work has remained stable. Just as their European counterparts Maltese voluntary workers are positively oriented towards the political process. Unlike the average citizen in Western Europe, the majority of Maltese respondents think that people are in need primarily because of laziness or lack of will power, and only secondarily because of injustice in society.
The Maltese are more inclined than other Europeans to give inter-personal care, but they assume less responsibility, are less self-confident and are not very successful in getting what they want. The Maltese have great trust in those institutions that are directly concerned with the provision of social welfare, but show considerably less confidence in those institutions that wield political power.
In the new social context of Euro-Mediterranean
Malta, social policy needs to extend citizenship to excluded groups, and
to set up, re-organise and maintain those services that promote the individualised
care of its citizens.
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